This component of the Inequality Project examines the relationship between human rights and economic inequality though a detailed investigation of natural resource governance. Vertical inequality occurs between individuals or between households, such as the overall income or wealth distribution of an economy.

Clarifications by human rights treaty bodies have stressed that non-discrimination and equality refers to substantive equality—there will always be some structural sources of inequality and indirect forms of discrimination. Campaigning against torture, political imprisonment, censorship, and election rigging, US-based nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) often dismissed economic and social rights as irrelevant or incompatible with their work. Human rights advocates have long recognized that a single-minded pursuit of formal equality can only go so far. This initial phase of the Inequality Project considers how international human rights law, movements and discourses have, could or should engage with the problem of economic inequality nationally and internationally. Are countries with resource distribution inequalities more likely to suffer from higher levels of human rights abuse? social enterprises, employee-owned companies), channeling investment to them, and creating a supportive legislative environment. People experience inequalities across a number of dimensions, for example in educational attainment, health and in the distribution of power.

Within two of the most prominent human rights organizations, Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch, an indifference to economic and social rights persisted until the early 2000s.4 While massive transformations in economic globalization and labor markets were taking place, the task of defending the right to work fell to the International Labor Organization. Multinational companies such as the French water, waste, and energy management service Veolia supported both privatization and the right to water.

© Australian Government 2020; and outputs supported by the European Commission are © European Union 2020.

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through tax or labor law) but transformed with regards to purpose, governance and ownership. Katharine Young . Advocates for the right to healthcare have constantly noted the correlation between economic inequality and poor health, particularly in the rich countries.14 In poor countries, the connection is obvious: Paul Farmer’s work makes this clear in relation to the sick in rural Haiti, urban Peru, and sub-Saharan Africa.15 Champions of HIV/AIDS treatments and other medicines have campaigned against the intellectual property protections that render treatment unaffordable; in some instances they have succeeded in changing pharmaceutical markets to make them less prohibitive.16 Moyn overlooks these areas of vigorous advocacy, where economic inequality has been understood as a critical underlying injustice. It is for this reason that greater protections have been called for, particularly at transitional moments when states are emerging from conflict.12 Moyn might have noted that in recent years, human rights formulations for status equality have been amended to include socioeconomic status as a prohibited ground of discrimination, and that authorities now call for the disaggregation of data on the basis of income quintiles as well as gender, race, and ethnicity.13 But this is a mere footnote to the broader campaigns that have been pursued in relation to material equality and human freedom since the Universal Declaration was adopted.

There are new discussions on the implementation of the UNGPs and the possibility of a binding treaty. For overview of this debate, see Jeremy Moss, “. Radhika Balakrishnan is Faculty Director of the Center for Women's Global Leadership and Professor in Women's and Gender Studies at Rutgers University. This should be done by: Outputs supported by FCDO are © FCDO Crown Copyright 2020; outputs supported by the Australian Government are These instances have in common the hypothesis that a human rights lens can provide analytical and normative power to the ambition of addressing inequality and challenging the dominant economic paradigm. These links bear out in empirical research. Water was not mentioned in the early human rights treaties; the Universal Declaration and the International Covenant mentioned only an adequate standard of living, but many commentators assumed water’s importance when interpreting this and other rights, especially to life, dignity, housing, and food.17 By 2010, a separately enumerated right was declared by the United Nations General Assembly—over and above objections and abstentions by the United States and other industrialized countries.18 Moyn erroneously attributes the appearance of this right to recurrent drought. Notions of equality, he argues, were focused on status.

It is not surprising that richer households enjoy better outcomes than poorer ones. This component of the Inequality Project will consider the challenges and the possibilities of human rights for adequately combating problems faced by workers in a globalized and simultaneously fragmented market. Human rights such as education and the right to vote refer to positional goods; these lose value in unequal settings.25 The long-term success of human rights strategies may require questioning the current market-based remedies designed for the poor.26 Moyn does not address the literature on these topics. For instance, the “median voter theorem” suggests there will be pressures for redistribution in unequal societies as long as a well-functioning democracy exists. The two issues are related but distinct, and offer a fruitful platform for thinking about the role of the global human rights movement in non-traditional areas. Supporting research that addresses connections between distinct dimensions and types of inequality and rights abuses at the national and sub-national levels. For example, low-income households in a very unequal society may do worse than households with the identical income in a more equal society. The global debt crisis of the 1980s dealt a further blow to egalitarian aims, and the fall of communism in 1989, another. This is partly because human rights are about realized outcomes that shape the choices and freedoms people enjoy.

She is also a Public Voices fellow of the OpEd Project. After running a global data set on 162 countries between 1980 and 2004, the model revealed a definite correlation between resource inequality and human rights violations. COVID-19: Spike in allegations of labour abuse against migrant workers in the Gulf. The fact that this movement and the Business and Human Rights agenda have existed in parallel to date represents a missed opportunity since a global economic system that enables a more equitable distribution of incomes and wealth goes hand in hand with ensuring greater respect for human rights. The materials in this section (organized alphabetically by author or organization) are focused primarily on the relationship between human rights and poverty. Katharine Young is an Associate Professor of Law at Boston College Law School. If we focus on equality of outcomes, different treatment towards different people or groups might be required.

This level of traction and progress of the Business and Human Rights field has been promising, no question. Californians will soon be voting on Prop 22—an initiative that would remove protections for gig workers and could drive them into financial hardship.

A longer version of these arguments appear in a PERI working paper and a chapter of a forthcoming book by Balakrishnan, Heintz, and Elson (2016): Rethinking Economics for Social Justice: The Radical Potential of Human Rights. Similarly, a roundtable hosted by Columbia University in NY a couple of weeks ago brought together Business and Human Rights scholars and practitioners with thought leaders on impact investing, inclusive business, sustainable finance and corporate responsibility to ask the question: How can we re-engineer business for business to prioritize social purpose? On Anti-Slavery Day: Is the UK Modern Slavery Act the best way to tackle modern slavery? This gave no grounds to complain about the rich growing richer.6 Economic and social rights advocacy became an ameliorative enterprise. This section contains a selection of key portals curated by our global team. Corporate tax dodging, which is estimated to cost developing countries $100 billion a year, has become one of the catalyst issues of advocates, highlighting the expanding nature of corporate responsibility in the age of extreme inequality. The right to water is another example. However, the human rights framework stops short of declaring a particular distribution of income or wealth as fair or just.



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